How influential is non-institutional political trainings for candidates in winning elections, when controlling for partisanship?
With the rise of non-institutional political training organizations since Obama’s 2012 campaign, is there a correlation between candidates taking these trainings and the improvement in their vote share margins? Since there is limited resources (and my connections) to the Republican Party’s side, this will focus on primary Democratic candidates.
- For these purposes: “non-institutional” is any political training that happens outside of a higher-education institution (therefore, political science majors at universities are excluded in this research). Trainings can include any mix of in-person/virtual, live/on-demand, or mix of the aforementioned methods.
- INDP Variable: how many trainings candidates took & DEP Variable: chances of winning.
- How many courses has a candidate taken and how has their likelihood of winning increased/decreased.
- Control this by looking at their vote need from the most previous election, how their state voted in the election they won/lost and the most recent election, etc.
📄 Current Journal Articles of Importance
- See it; be it? The use of role models in campaign trainings for women, Sweet-Cushman, 2018
- Electing Women of Color: The Role of Campaign Trainings, Sanbonmatsu, 2015
- Political Consultants, Campaign Professionalization, and Media Attention, Panagopoulos
- Teaching Campaign Ethics Using Web-Based Scenarios, Wielhouwer, 2004
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Updated: @March 1, 2024